There are three quick takeaways from a recently released report from the Illinois Economic Policy Institute on the “State of the Unions” in Illinois. First, Illinois remains one of the most heavily unionized states (13th) in the nation. Second, over the past 10 years, the overall unionization rate in Illinois has declined from 15.1% to 12.8% (-2.3%). Currently, only one in eight Illinois workers is a member of a labor union. And third, the U.S. Supreme Court decision in the 2018 Janus case establishing right-to-work principles for all public sector workers has reduced the unionization rate for those employees in Illinois by 4% (52% to 48%) over the past six years.
All true. Does this mean the labor is in danger of losing its place as the cornerstone of the funding base of the Illinois Democratic Party? Actually, the opposite is occurring.
During the same 10 years covered by the report, Illinois has seen a political war between two self-funding billionaire candidates and two Republican billionaire donors that is unique in the history of state government. In 2014, self-funding Republican candidate, Bruce Rauner, assisted by Ken Griffin and Richard Uihlein was elected governor. In 2018, a self-funding Democratic candidate, JB Pritzker, beat Rauner and Griffin’s money to win the governor’s race. In 2022, Griffin and Uihlein backed different candidates seeking the Republican nomination for governor. Uihlein’s candidate won, but lost badly to Pritzker, who again self-funded his campaign. Over a 10-year period, these four billionaires spent more than three-quarters of a billion dollars of their personal fortunes on Illinois politics. The Illinois billionaire war is over. Pritzker won. But going forward neither party can count on having a billionaire patron every election cycle.
All the attention on the billionaire war obscured two dramatic changes taking place in the role of money in Illinois politics. Despite slowly declining unionization numbers and the often hostile legal climate at the national level, Illinois labor unions have become the dominant force among interest groups funding Illinois politics. As important as teacher unions, service employee unions, and public employee unions are in the labor movement in Illinois, the surge has been led by traditional trade unions. The operating engineers, laborers, pipe trades, carpenters, and electrical workers unions were the top five entities contributing to legislative and statewide candidates in 2022. They contributed a total of $52.7 million. No. 1 on the list was the operating engineers with $18.6 million in contributions. Two teacher unions (Illinois Education Association and Illinois Teachers Federation) ranked sixth and seventh.
The growth in the political clout of trade unions has been fueled by the state’s spending on transportation infrastructure funded by increased gas taxes, and school and public building construction funded by taxes on sports betting and other gambling taxes. That spending has meant more union contracts and higher wages for trade union members. Illinois Democrats received 93% of labor union contributions in 2022.
While labor’s power has been surging, the traditional funding base of the Illinois Republican Party has been collapsing. In 2022, the top five business/professional groups contributed $15.2 million to statewide and legislative elections. Traditional major Republican donor groups such as the Illinois Manufacturers Association, the Illinois Medical Society, and the Illinois Chamber of Commerce are no longer among the top 25 contributors. There has been a reduction in real terms of contributions from many business groups, corporations, finance groups, and professional groups as the Illinois economy has shifted away from manufacturing and retail shopping and more toward services and online marketing. Less than 50% of contributions from business and professional groups now go to Republicans.
In addition to the impact of labor union contributions on political campaigns for the Illinois Legislature and statewide offices in 2022, labor union contributions were a major factor in two other elections. Labor unions were significant contributors to two successful Democratic candidates for seats on the Illinois Supreme Court. This increased the majority of judges elected to the state Supreme Court as Democrats from 4-3 to 5-2. Led by the trade unions, labor unions also backed a successful workers rights amendment to the Illinois State Constitution which made collective bargaining an individual right and prohibited the Legislature from passing right-to-work legislation for private-sector unions. Labor unions provided 98% of contributions to the group supporting the amendment. The group opposing the amendment was outspent 5-to-1 and received no support from the Illinois Manufacturers Association or the Illinois Chamber of Commerce.
The very friendly political and legal environment that organized labor enjoys in Illinois just got friendlier. On their face, the slow decline of the unionization rate in the Illinois workforce and the obstacles to public sector unionization created by the Janus decision could raise questions about the long-term viability of the labor movement in Illinois. But a closer look shows labor unions in Illinois are politically stronger than ever.
Kent Redfield is a professor emeritus of political science at the University of Illinois Springfield and a research scholar with the University of Illinois’ Institute of Government and Public Affairs. This article is based in part on “Illinois Government and Politics: A Citizens Guide to Power, Politics and Government,” co-authored by Melissa Mouritsen, Kent D. Redfield and James D. Nowlan, which was recently published by the University of Illinois Press.